Recently, West Africa is represented in the research literature as the epicenter of socio-political instability. That is most relevant for such countries as Mali, Nigeria or Burkina Faso. However, it is worth saying that, despite a number of factors that could lead to potential destabilization in Ghana, the country has been characterized in recent years by a fairly high level of socio-political stability. The present study seeks to determine the factors causing political regime destabilization in West Africa by evaluating important governance indicators, sociopolitical stability, economic advancement, and historical occurrences. The paper uses a mixed-methods approach as well as qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) as an analysis tool. The authors conclude that among the destabilizing factors in the region under study, the following can be considered the most significant: weak mechanisms of accountability within the state, deficient governance frameworks, and corruption. Moreover, if we are talking about Ghana, in that case such indicators as developed media infrastructure, active civil society, initiatives of the country’s leadership to create inter-religious tolerance and cooperation, as well as the general culture of peace inherent in Ghanaians, become the main factors stabilizing the situation in the country.

The Islamic Revolution in Iran is considered one of the most important political events of the second half of the 20th century. It was quite unexpected, since the Shah’s regime seemed very stable and economically successful. The revolution was led by the conservative Shiite clergy led by Khomeini. The confrontation between the Shah’s regime and the movement of Ayatollah Khomeini began in the early 1960s, and in 1978–1979 entered the most violent phase, which was accompanied by conflict discourse on both sides. Khomeini took an irreconcilable position towards the Shah and criticized his every action, calling him a criminal and a fighter against Islam. The Shah, in turn, tried to strengthen his legitimacy among Iranian believers and said that he was providing patronage to Islam. However, the majority of Iranian Muslims actively supported Khomeini, who had much greater authority and popularity. As a result of the confrontation, the Shah could not stand the tension and left the country, and power passed to Khomeini. After his expulsion, the Shah, in an interview with American media, claimed to be the one who truly cared about his country, while Khomeini wants to erase its history and is not going to develop Iran.

The author analyzes the history and features of forming the Superior Council of Magistracy, which is one of the highest constitutional bodies of the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria. The article reveals the changes that were observed in its composition at various historical stages of the existence of the independent Algerian state. The author considers the relevant provisions of constitutions, organic laws and other legislative acts. The Superior Council of Magistracy as a constitutional body was featured at every stage of the country’s development since political independence in 1962, from the provisions of the first Constitution of 1963 to the constitutional amendments of 2020, which introduced significant changes both in terms of the composition   itself and the procedures for its formation. It was related to the political development of Algeria, which, since 2019, has witnessed protests and demonstrations demanding deep reforms, including judicial one.

The work studies the phenomenon of the Arab Spring and its chaotic emergence both in the region as a whole and in the United Arab Emirates in particular, its features, consequences and the state’s reaction to these events. The demands of the formed opposition, its origins and subsequent fate in the context of revolutionary events in the Middle East are analyzed. An important place in the organized opposition is given to the Islyah organization, which is an Emirati cell of Muslim Brotherhood * active during the Arab Spring. The author considers the government countermeasures, political relaxations and simplification of obtaining citizenship for children born in marriage with foreigners. The work also pays attention to the basic principles of state power in the UAE, since they influence the formed demands of the opposition side, mainly represented by the think tanks, and also provide a clear understanding of the scale of individual influence on decisions made in the country by the actual head of state. It in turn, obliges one to study the background and ideological positions of the former president of the federation, Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, in relation to such important events that affected the entire region of the Middle East and North Africa to varying degrees. The comprehensive approach answers the questions related to the events of the Arab Spring in the Emirates, their basis, solution and consequences for the federation.

The Japanese government has been focusing more and more on the involvement of women in the socio-economic life of the country. Thus female entrepreneurship in Japan is gaining momentum every year. The Ministry of   Economy, Trade and Industry of Japan and private economic funds note quite effective techniques and interesting innovations of female startups. Despite the active implementation of high technologies and new methods in entrepreneurial activity by Japanese businesswomen, the number of registered companies does not exceed 1–2% in the last decade. Moreover, Japanese women entrepreneurs in the high-tech sector have to cope not only with the general gender issues typical of the Japanese entrepreneurial environment, but also have to face unique challenges of the startup sector. However, the low competitiveness in terms of quantitative indicators relative to male businesses is fully compensated by qualitative indicators. The restructuring of women’s companies, their transformation from “unicorn” to “zebra”, as well as the growth of results and the related widening of the femtech market, indicate the positive dynamics and relevance of women’s business projects in the current Japanese economy. It is of serious scholarly interest to answer the question: what factors influence startup entrepreneurial activity among Japanese female entrepreneurs and what trends can we observe in the near future?

Since ancient times, Persia has been of utmost importance for trade and migration between Europe and Asia. The emergence of railway transport strengthened the country’s transit potential, and in the second half of the 19th century railways construction projects in the latitudinal and meridional directions began to appear. Implementation of these projects was in direct interest of the Persian authorities, as this would promote economic development, contribute to the state budget, and enable personal enrichment of officials involved in negotiations with foreign concessionaires. In 1872, Baron Julius Reiter showed interest in this project. He managed to get a concession which transferred almost the entire country into his hands, on extremely unfavourable terms for Persia. Its key element was the railway from the Persian Gulf to the port of Anzali on the Caspian Sea. Such a complete takeover of Persia caused a stir in the European capitals, and especially in St. Petersburg, since in the future it could be a threat to Russia from Great Britain. Therefore, the Russian government made every effort to convince Nasser ed-Din Shah to cancel this concession and proposed an alternative project for the Tabriz-Julfa road, to be undertaken by the retired General Falkenhagen as a private entrepreneur. It was assumed that construction would be funded by the Russian government, since Russia would buy out almost all the shares of the company which would be created     to implement the project. This meant that the project would be private in name only. The terms of the Russian concession did not suit the Persian side, and, in addition, the Falkenhagen project was opposed by England. In the end, it failed.

The article deals with an issue of the spread of Christianity in the Ewe ethnic community living in the territory of the modern states of Ghana, Togo and Benin, as well as the influence of Christianization on the formation of the group identity of the community. The article describes the main milestones of the Christianization of the community. The beginning of that process is stated in the context of Portuguese colonization, and the real spread of Christian doctrine with the beginning of the activities of German missionaries in the middle of the 19th century. The latter carried out missionary activities in the Ewe language, which was specially created on the basis of one of the dialects in written form. It was used for publishing the Gospel and providing education in parish schools. As a result, Christianity became quite widespread in the region, since inclusion in the religious system provided social lifts for the local population. At the same time, Christianization of the local population remained largely formal, since religious practice did not take into account local cultural patterns, and traditionalist beliefs continued to remain popular, and Christian converts often returned to fetishistic practices. As a result, it ended up with religious dualism in the mid-twentieth century leading to the emergence of the phenomenon of “Spiritual Churches”, which, although nominally Christian, actively used the modified ritual practices of traditionalists. Such religious disunity remains relevant to the present day and is a pronounced obstacle to the ethnic integration of the Ewe people.

The article deals with the development of the Arab League in the context of the transformation of the global geopolitical landscape in 2022–2023. Special attention is given to changes in the structure and functioning of the organization in response to global challenges. The region is characterized by shifts in internal political dynamics, emphasizing new principles and development models that not only align with global trends but also significantly surpass them. Furthermore, the impact of these changes on regional cooperation and stability, as well as on the international relations of the Arab League, is analyzed. The article discusses both current and potential structural changes within the organization, their implications for regional security, and interactions between member states. It also analyzes the role of the Arab League in global politics, assessing its potential in the face of current and future challenges. The prospects for the organization’s further development are examined, considering its ability to adapt to the evolving international environment, its influence on global political processes, and the stabilization of the regional situation. Additionally, the article highlights how the Arab League can contribute to the economic growth and development of its member countries amid increasing global competition.

The cult of ancestors and interest in the past of their country have always been characteristic of the Egyptian civilization. They were a fundamental component of religion and tsarist ideology, one of the means of confirming the legitimacy of the royal power. In historiography, the cult of royal ancestors did not receive wide coverage, despite the recognition of its importance in the process of legitimation. The components of the cult were also not considered, although the development of its extraordinary form is clearly recorded in the sources of the New Kingdom. With us that epoch due to the better preservation of the source base, is a model for further research into the cult of royal ancestors and elucidation of its role in the ideology of other stages of Egyptian history. Data from the time we are considering indicate that the extraordinary form was a marker of crises of legitimacy that are not always visible from other sources. The very emergence of that form was inseparably connected with them. The article presents sources that justify the possibility of introducing the terms ordinary and extraordinary forms of the cult of royal ancestors, gives a picture of their emergence and makes an attempt to demonstrate the significance of the extraordinary form for identifying dynastic crises and the ways of development of the royal myth using the example of the history of Egypt in the 16^th – 13^th centuries BC.

The article attempts to analyze the concept of the “perfect man” (انسان کامل) of Ayatollah Khomeini in relation to the events of the Iranian Revolution of 1978 in 1979. Based on the materials contained in the official collection “Sahifеh-ye Imam”, it reconstructsa model of the single believer behavior that derives from the concept of the “perfect man”, widespread in Irfan, Islamic mysticism. According to Ayatollah Khomeini, it was his concept of a “profane” “perfect man” that was intended to form the basis for educating a new type of person in the Islamic Republic of Iran, guided in his behavior by the norms and canons of Shiite Islam. The article traces a certain influence of the mystical teaching, which goes back to the Islamic thinkers of the past, in particular to the ideas of Mullah Sadra, who had a great influence on the formation of Ayatollah Khomeini's views during his years of study at howze (seminary) of Qom. It is concluded that under the influence of the activation of the broad masses in the anti-Shah movement and the victory of the Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini is transforming his views on the “perfect man”, taking the form of an active participant in revolutionary events and being a member of Hezbollah. Based on the traditional terms common in Irfan, Ayatollah Khomeini gives them a modern interpretation based on the needs of the time and the tasks of building an Islamic Republic.

The author of the article attempted to study the role of the national-religious group “Liberation movement in Iran” and its leader Mehdi Bazargan in the anti-Shah movement and the Islamic Revolution in Iran 1978–1979. The article considers the development of allied relations between the LMI and the moderate clergy, reviews the role of the LMI in organizing protest actions, as well as its place in the lineup of opposition forces in Iran for the 1978. The author believes that during the development of anti-Shah protests, the LMI, especially M. Bazargan himself, made efforts to preserve the supremacy for himself and the LMI in the development of the revolutionary movement, despite the growing popularity of R. Khomeini, and also suppressed all attempts by the clergy to move forward. The author puts forward the thesis that Bazargan, in order to maintain control over the revolutionary movement in January 1978, sought to use the army against the radical wing of the clergy and Ayatollah Khomeini. Interpreting such complex and multidimensional phenomena that occurred in Iran in 1978–1979, the author suggests that the LMI should be considered as an influential opposition group as the clergy.

The article is an analysis of women’s views in the reformist movement in Islam which seeks to rethink traditional interpretations and calls for the adaptation of Islam to modern realities. The reform movement in Islam continues to develop to the present day gaining women’s voices. Many of representatives in the trend argue that the restrictions imposed on women have   no basis in primary sources and are the result of patriarchal interpretations of sacred texts. Those ideas generate discussions and debate in Muslim societies as they raise fundamental questions of identity, tradition and faith. The article considers views of women representatives in the reformist movement, both liberal-minded and conservative, and also reflects the dynamics of their ideological attitudes. Both directions are extremely important for the reformist movement as a whole as they demonstrate the multi-vector development of Islamic thought in that regard. The sources of the study are the key works of modern female reformers since the ideas they put forward in the interpretation of Islam have not only increased noticeably in quantitative terms but also strengthened in their value significance.

The fight against terrorism in the Arab world has been going on for many decades. Algeria and Egypt are at the forefront of that struggle. Their armed forces, police and intelligence agencies have accumulated vast experience in counter-terrorism operations. But the price that Algerians and Egyptians paid for that experience is high. In the 1990s, Algeria and Egypt lived through a “black decade”. Radical Islamist movements in Algeria and Egypt openly challenged the state, starting a civil war (in Algeria) and unleashing mass terror against law enforcement officers and tourists (in Egypt). The head of Algeria, Mohamed Boudiaf, fell at the hands of Islamists, Egyptian President Husni Mubarak almost died in an assassination attempt, and tens of thousands of people became victims of attacks by Islamic extremists. The bloody battle with Islamic extremist armed groups in Algeria and Egypt ultimately formed    the modern anti-terrorist security system in those countries. The present article will discuss causes of the most acute crises in the sphere of internal security in Algeria and Egypt at the end of the twentieth century, the characteristics of the actions of armed radical Islamist groups and a comparative analysis of the security policies of the Algerian and Egyptian governments.

The Russian scientific community pays great attention to the topic of the Syrian crisis. However, in that context, the issue of the functioning of the Kurdish unrecognized self-proclaimed autonomy remains practically ignored. In general, books on the Kurdish cause have become a rarity for Russian historiography. Therefore, the presented article deals with the unique work of its kind, as well as with the problematics that were posed in the monograph. In a relatively short review, it is quite difficult to cover in detail all aspects of the presented research, because almost every one of the indicated topics could become the subject of a full-fledged study. Therefore, the author has selected individual plots, which, in his opinion, seem to be the most significant and interesting in the issue of the phenomenon of the functioning of the Kurdish autonomy functioning.

The article deals with the issues which were raised at international scientific conferences with the participation of experts from Tanzania, Russia and other countries, organized in Dar es Salaam in March 2022 and 2024 by  the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation, the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States, Compatriots Living Abroad and International Humanitarian Cooperation, the Russian Center for Science and Culture in Dar es Salaam together with the Mwalimu Nyerere Memorial Academy and the University of Dar es Salaam. The first, “Leadership and Power in Africa in the past and present. Research by scientists from Russia, Tanzania and other countries”, commemorated the 100th anniversary of the founding father of Tanzania, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. The second – “Africa’s Place in the World. The past and present” – took place in 2024, on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the formation of the United Republic of Tanzania, celebrated on April 26. The collections of abstracts of reports published by the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences following those conferences cover an extremely wide thematic spectrum – from the place of African countries in the modern world to the transformation of their power institutions, political elites, state languages and culture, their influence and interrelation with global processes. The authors using unique archival and periodical material, focus on global civilizational aspects, give a comprehensive analysis of the role of Africa in today’s world, drawing attention to the issues of power and society relations, the specifics in the formation and functioning of elites in the modern political and economic situation in different countries of Africa and the continent as a whole. The conducted research makes a significant contribution to a broader and more panoramic understanding of the issues raised in the context of strengthening the African theme in modern discourses.