The article analyzes a new direction of historical science, called “the history of everyday life”. At the same time, a distinction is made among the understanding of “everyday life” by historians, ethnographers and sociologists. It highlights the complex nature of everyday life. Methodologically, the history of everyday life is closely connected with the traditional history of events. For a researcher of everyday life, vital issues, their comprehension and reflection in the minds of people are important. The history of everyday life is aimed at studying the transitional stages of social development, periods of increased socio-political tension. The subject of analysis is the forms and methods of people’s survival during wars, revolutions, epidemics, famine and devastation. Thus “history from below” was constructed, which as its subject saw the individual in his everyday concerns with his feelings and experiences. Works on the history of everyday life cover small periods of time and tend to regionalization. The study of the tactics and strategies for the everyday existence of an ordinary person in society, when referring to ego sources, can be framed into a general picture of the individual’s daily practices. The presented explanatory model of everyday practices as a “story of a little man” is a space of adjustments and adaptation and testifies to a new level of creative understanding of modern intellectual technologies by Russian historical science.

Gender approach popularity in modern historiography is marked by the development of a range of ideas that characterize the importance of the gender factor under the conditions of the new and modern time wars. The article analyzes the methodological foundations and historiographic practices of understanding the role of the First World War in the transformation of the gender order in Russia. It is shown that the methodology for studying the issue is interdisciplinary in nature and includes approaches and tools of the historical-anthropological gender research, gender political science and linguistics, theories of propaganda and mass communication. The author highlights achievements in the study of the “woman and war” issue, women’s daily life and activities at the front and in the rear, the significance of the First World War in the transformation of the social role of women in Russia. The article describes the results of the study in gender aspects of military propaganda, perception of events and behavioral practices of combatants and non-combatants. The author emphasizes the continuing relevance of studying the mechanisms and specifics of gender perception of propaganda, ways of male and female involvement in the information and political communication. The article notes the importance of creating a complex study of the gender factor for political mobilization in Russia, considered in a comparative way, compared with similar processes that took place in other countries participating in the conflict.

“The Passion of Saints Perpetua and Felicity” is in many ways a unique source on the history of early Christianity and the Roman Empire. Its uniqueness is evident not only in the structure of the text or its content but also in the complexity of issues related to its main characteristics as a historical source. The issues of dating, the interrelation of different versions of the text, original language, authorship and many others for a long time remain a matter of debate in foreign historiography. But in Russian historiography that martyrdom is still on the periphery of attention, and its scientific potential remains not fully disclosed. The paper provides an overview of the existing discussions about the nature of that early Christian text and solutions to the source issues associated with its study.

The author proves that the “The Passion of Saints Perpetua and Felicity” has a quadripartite structure: authentic records of the martyrs Perpetua and Saturus, who died together with their comrades in Carthage at the beginning of the 3rd century, the eyewitness testimony of their execution, as well as a prologue and epilogue written by the unknown compiler. The paper also considers the perspectives for studying the text in the context of the relationship between the Christianity and the Roman Empire, in the course of the evolution of Christian thought, and through the prism of gender studies.

Studies of crimes against the civilian Soviet population during the Great Patriotic War are one of the main areas in studying that period. However, a comprehensive research in crimes against children and adolescents has not yet been carried out – the topic of crimes against children and adolescents in most works is reflected superficially in the general context of crimes against civilians in the occupied territories of the RSFSR. Aspects of the analyzed topic are reflected in some works of Russian authors – articles and monographs. The present article is a review of Russian historiography, which reflects the problematic of the crimes of the Nazi invaders against children and adolescents. The review of the literature is systematized according to the typology of criminal acts against children and adolescents – from the use of child labor to executions and murders. In the surveyed studies, historians consider both the all-Russian and regional aspects in the problematic of the occupiers’ attitude towards the civilian population in the regions of Russia occupied by the Nazis. Despite the fact that a sufficient number of studies dealt with the topic of the occupiers’ repressive policy in relation to the civilian population, the problematic of children and adolescents is reflected in fragments and needs further research.

The article considers the regional aspects of the present development of the Central Asian region. The article analyzes why and how the attitude of the world’s leading centers towards Central Asia has changed, what significance the region is acquiring today in international politics. The article studies tendencies in multidirectional aspirations of external players, elements of possible cooperation and rivalry between them. In addition, the article touches upon the internal conflict potential of countries and its influence on the formation of a new regional political environment. The article also considers some security issues, in particular, the impact of the current situation in Afghanistan in connection with the seizure of power by the Taliban, on the already difficult regional political environment of Central Asia. Understanding the specifics of the regional political environment of Central Asia is necessary, first of all, for the states of the region themselves, to take constructive actions to maintain the stability of the region, by creating mechanisms for coordinating collective decisions, deepening mutual cooperation in practical terms, finding compromise solutions to resolve existing disputes and disagreements in order to ensure a more effective implementation of their national interests.

The article attempts to analyze a little-studied episode related to historical politics in the era of the First Empire in France. The revolution and the coming to power of the emperor actualized many events of the past, the reception of which took place in various, including artistic forms. The article considers an example of an attempt to act in opposition to the emperor and destroy the image of a legitimate charismatic national leader created by him through a historical tragedy. F.J.M. Renoir, a playwright and participant in the revolution, criticized the usurpation of the throne by Napoleon by referring to the history of the 16th century in the play “The States-General in Blois, or the death of the Duke of Guise”, written actually by order of the authorities. That tragedy was forbidden to be staged until 1814, and the image of the Duke of Guise, the head of the Catholic party, displayed in the work, aroused the emperor’s indignation. The article concludes that Napoleon tried to construct the image of his own power, appealing to historical examples. Among the numerous political figures of the past with whom the emperor associated himself, unexpectedly turned out to be Duke Henry de Guise, who in the historical culture of the early 19th century had a reputation not so much as a charismatic leader, as a rebel and an illegal pretender to the throne, what the opposition successfully used in its anti- Bonapart works.

The development of the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) of the 21^stcentury is important in order to use the positive aspects of that policy in Russia for the development of the Northern Sea Route (NSR). The global nature of the Chinese Maritime Silk Road initiative and, in general, “One Belt, One Road” is emphasized by the growing participation of interested countries in their development. The positive aspects of the MSR development policy are important for the development of the NSR. As part of the study in the specifics of the MSR, development policy a number of works by international and Russian authors, as well as official data on the development and implementation of the Chinese transport policy, were analyzed. At the same time, tools of discursive and political analysis, methods of abstracting, data collection, systematization of research positions, strategies, official data, as well as the use of an institutional approach were used. Analyzing the features of the China transport policy showed some possibilities of their application in Russia for the development of the NSR. The paper summarizes recommendations on the development of the transport policy of the Russian Federation in relation to the NSR: the need to develop a set of measures to enhance international interest; the importance of conducting a comparative analysis with the Chinese policy of promoting the MSR.

The article considers the mechanisms of the repressive anti-church state policy of the Soviet government, which began its formation immediately after the October Revolution, using the case example of the Moscow Provincial Revolutionary Tribunal of 1918 against the rector of the St. George Church of the village of Vanilovo in the Ashitkov parish of the Bronnitsky district of the Moscow province, Father Mikhail Sakharov. The case was based on the incident with the beating of the Bronnitsky district Commissioner of Education, who wished to explain to residents the essence of the decree on the separation of Church and state. Even though the case materials incontrovertibly testified that the priest was not involved in the incident, he was convicted together with the participants of the beating as the initiator of the violence that occurred. The article emphasizes the political bias of the prosecution and its direct connection with the decree “On the Red Terror” proclaimed in September 1918. The latter, among other things, is confirmed by the fact that investigative actions in the case did not begin immediately after the beating of the commissioner in February 1918, but only in October. It is also noted that the practice characteristic of several cases of the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal is the gradual mitigation of initially harsh sentences up to a full amnesty of convicts.

The article considers an influence of the resolution of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU(b) issued in February 1948 “On the opera ‘The Great Friendship’ by V. Muradeli” on the activities of symphony orchestras of the RSFSR.

The author of the article notes that the historiography of the topic focuses more on the state and party authorities work for the execution and control of that resolution, on the processing of individual musical works and on the activities of outstanding Soviet composers. The issues of changes in personnel, repertoire, in the number of concerts, as well as changes in concert venues of symphony orchestras as part of the republican and regional philharmonic societies of the RSFSR in the second half of 1948 are practically not considered by researchers of the topic.

The article provides information from the report documents, repertoire plans of the Moscow Regional Philharmonic, the Ossetian State Philharmonic, the Kabardian State Philharmonic, as well as the Irkutsk Regional Philharmonic of 1948. The author of the article analyzes not only the activities of symphony orchestras, but also the specific steps of the regional and republican philharmonic societies to implement and control the execution of the resolution of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU(b) of February 10, 1948.

The article deals with the national movements activities of the Tatar ASSR (Republic of Tatarstan) during the period of Perestroika. It analyzes features of the Tatar national culture and language development in the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic under the conditions of the perestroika policy (1985–1991). The research is based on materials from the State Archives of the Republic of Tatarstan, interviews conducted by the author with representatives of the creative intelligentsia and public figures of the republic. The status of the Tatar national culture and language, claims and petitions of public organizations are considered. The data presented reflect the scale of the Tatar language use in the media (print media, radio, television) and culture. The author comes to the conclusion that there were serious disputes about the extent of the Tatar language use in the TASSR socio-political space. The tendency of increase in the sphere of functioning of the Tatar language is revealed. It was the result of resolving the conflict of interests of the following forces: the party-state, regional and central authorities, part of society and the intelligentsia.

The paper analyzes the socio-political tasks that challenged the implementation of the housing organization project in the USSR in the early 1930s, and their realization on the example of the housing arrangement for Moscow workers. In the conditions of forced industrialization, the transformation in housing and life of the working class takes on the significance of the struggle for the successes of the Five-Year Plan: it was necessary to provide such living conditions for workers that would make it possible to stop the labor fluctuation at enterprises and to cultivate ideological consciousness in the working class emerging from the peasantry. The implementation of such a task confronted a number of issues: it was necessary to determine the architectural form of the housing and communal facilities, to draw the public in the actualization of the objectives set, to find material resources for realizing the project. But it was not possible to achieve any significant results due to the lack of actual interest, both from the public and from the authorities themselves. The lack of enthusiasm of the workers, focused on solving more pressing difficulties, led to the passivity of workers’ participation in the implementation of the housing reconstruction project. As a result, the authorities, not having the proper material resources that they would be ready to use to improve the living conditions of the workers, used repressive methods, solving the original task – to stop the labor force fluctuation.

The article deals with the issues that were posed in the latest monograph by M.A. Davydov “Teorema Stolypina”. The book offers a very special, innovative view of the socio-economic processes in Russia in the 19^th century. Usually, the authors focus on political, social, financial institutions, government policy and global conjuncture. M.A. Davydov has a very special research “optics”. He analyzes the modernization processes in Russia in the 19th-20th centuries in the context of social thought of that time, the categorical apparatus of Russian intellectuals. It allows the author to imagine an invisible passageway of possibilities in which the government operated until the First Russian Revolution. The traditionalist style of thinking, shared by supporters of various views, was the most important obstacle to dynamic economic development. That circumstance emphasizes the importance of Stolypin’s reforms, which were not a continuation of the previous course, but a direct break with it. The concept presented by the author finally makes it possible to tie together the intellectual, political, and economic processes in Russia on the eve of the great upheavals of the early 20th century.