The modern globalized world is faced with the need to search for adequate social transformations to achieve a sustainable future for humanity both at the global and local (national) levels. The conditions for the onset of the Anthropocene, a new phase in the formation of post-industrial society, require fundamental adjustments not only to traditional socio-economic and socio-ecological models of the socio-political order of states, but also to the foundations for life activities of modern man. As shown in the work, under-standing the dynamics and diversity of emerging scenarios and options for social development is possible on the basis of the principles and methods of interdisciplinary “complexity thinking”, which has the necessary epistemological value. In this context, it is proposed to use the concept of “societal metabolism”, which allows, from the position of modern organicism, to consider the state as a “complex” social organism constituted by autopoiesis, a complex of processes of self-organization, maintenance and reproduction of various structures and resources that ensure the viability and vital activity of society. The author comes to the conclusion that in the form of territorial-metabolic networks at the national level, it is advisable to develop a model representation of socio-economic and socio-ecological relations for addressing the issue of self-sufficiency in key areas of life support for the sovereign existence and development of modern society and the state.

   The article analyzes the processes accompanying the improvement of federal statehood in modern Nigeria. The recognition by Nigerian society of the defects inherent in the current over-centralized model of federation, which was cultivated by the military regimes of the 1960–1990^s, provoked a discussion about the so-called “true federalism” – an ideal state of affairs, which, according to critics, the Nigerian federation has not been able to achieve for several decades. Among the key issues raised in connection with “true federalism”, optimal regional “slicing” is being discussed, including options for increasing or reducing the number of federated entities, as well as finding the most equitable formula for distributing income from oil produced in the country. However, the further granting of political subjectivity to new segments of national territory (and to ethnic groups), and the expansion of the share of oil revenues received by oil-producing states, turn out to be ambiguous measures: they heal some of the ills of Nigerian federalism, but instead generate other flaws. In addition, the development of a more effective model of federation is significantly hindered by the fact that there are powerful forces on the Nigerian political scene that, instead of seeking “true federalism”, either seek the disintegration of the country through secession (dissident movements of the former Biafra or rebel groups of the Niger Delta), or deny the Nigerian federation as such (the Islamist group Boko Haram*).

   The article considers events related to the political course of French president Emmanuel Macron and his attempts to liberate Islam in France from foreign influence, which led to the disruption of the functioning of the French Council of the Muslim Faith, an organization that for a long time was the main “interlocutor” of the government of the Fifth Republic on issues of representing the interests of the French Islamic community at the state level. The issues of the formation of two new religious and political structures – the National Council of Imams and the Forum of Islam of France – are also high-lighted. In addition, the author demonstrates the measures taken by Algeria as a response to Paris’s policy, restricting the foreign financing of Islamic organizations, establishing control over large foreign donations and limiting foreign interference in the activities of religious institutions through the law of August 24, 2021, aimed at strengthening respect for republican principles and the Charter of Principles of Islam of France. The author also points to the fact that the Great Paris Mosque retains its financial independence, provided by the PDRA, and, as a result, strengthens its position in France and in Europe, which causes discontent among representatives of the European Parliament, and also clearly demonstrates the involvement of supposedly apolitical and purely religious French organizations and associations in political processes not only at the national, but also at the continental level.

   The article offers a comprehensive analysis of Japan’s contemporary geopolitical strategy in the context of transformations in the international security system and the dynamics of the East Asian region. The author studies evolving in Japan’s foreign policy doctrine, drawing on historical and theoretical analyses of traditional geopolitical models – continentalist and Atlanticist – as well as the works of Japanese scholars. Particular attention is given to the impact of global tensions and regional challenges, including China’s military-political activity and the threat posed by North Korea, on the formulation of Japan’s national security strategy. It studies key geopolitical factors shaping Japan’s international priorities, including its island geography, limited natural resources, and the need to sustain economic growth through integration into global trade and defense alliances. The article provides a comparative analysis of the ideas of leading Japanese geopolitical thinkers, such as Ikki Kita and Tanaka Giichi, in contrasting with the concepts of Western theorists, including Karl Haushofer and Nicholas Spykman. Special attention is paid to Japan’s role in collective security alliances, particularly within the framework of its strategic partnership with the United States. The article analyzes changes in Japan’s defense policy, including the revision of restrictions on the use of the Self-Defense Forces and the expansion of military cooperation with allies. Additionally, the study considers the economic dimension of Japan’s foreign policy, including initiatives to expand its trade influence and participation in key regional economic frameworks. There is particular focus on Japan’s soft power diplomacy, including its cultural and technological influence in the region. In conclusion, the article presents findings on the nature of Japan’s geopolitical strategy, its prospects amid global transformations, and potential directions for its evolution in the 21^st century. This work is of interest to specialists in international relations, the strategic and regional studies, as well as to anyone studying security dynamics in the Asia-Pacific region.

   The article considers the influence of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) on the development of Greece’s public sector and bureaucracy since the 1980s, placing particular emphasis on the nationalization of private companies and the marked increase in the number of civil servants. It argues that PASOK’s policies during that period were inherently populist and contributed to the establishment of a large-scale clientelist system, in which party affiliation decided access to government positions – ultimately compromising managerial efficiency and incurring substantial budgetary outlays. As a result, Greece faced debt troubles that worsened during the economic crisis of the 2010s. The article further studies how the populist framework introduced by PASOK shaped the transformation of Greece’s political landscape, leading to the collapse of traditional parties, the country’s entrapment in a vicious cycle of financial wastefulness, and the rise of new radical movements such as SYRIZA and ANEL. Those parties came to power amid widespread disillusionment with the existing political order, inherited many of PASOK’s populist strategies, and thus deepened the crisis of Greece’s political system.

   The article deals with a comparative analysis of right-wing and left-wing terrorism in the FRG on the basis of selected criteria (causes of emergence, social composition, tactics, ties with other groups, etc.). It is noted that in its formation both varieties of terrorism have passed three stages – social division, radicalization of the protest movement and the emergence in its ranks of a group ready to move to armed struggle, going underground. Both left-wing and right-wing terrorism were characterized by the rejection of liberal democracy and positioning themselves as the vanguard of extremist forces opposed to the state. At the same time a detailed analysis shows that there are significant deals with between right-wing and left-wing terrorist organizations, dictated by both ideology and the historical context in which they operated. The most significant of those distinctions include different social composition, objects of attack, communication, forms of organization, and others. It is also noted that for a long-time right-wing terrorism was underestimated by the authorities, which subsequently had fatal consequences.

   Pakistan is experiencing a steady rise in terrorist attacks, positioning the country among the most vulnerable regions in terms of security. The article deals with a comprehensive analysis of the factors contributing to the growth of the terrorist threat in Pakistan, with a particular focus on the impact of socio-economic conditions on radicalization and terrorist activity. The author studies the relationship between economic crises, inflation, social inequality, and the rise in terrorist incidents. Special attention is given to poverty, unemployment, and economic disparity as key drivers of radicalization and youth recruitment into extremist groups. A prominent example of this dynamic is Balochistan, where economic hardships and high unemployment, combined with nationalist rhetoric, fuel violence and tensions. Particular focus is made on the activities of the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), which exploits socio-economic grievances to mobilize the local population and advocate for the province’s independence. The article also provides an in-depth analysis of the economic costs of terrorism for Pakistan, highlighting how the increasing number of terrorist attacks undermines the country’s economy, deteriorates infrastructure and social conditions, and reduces its investment appeal and international reputation. The economic damage from terrorism is estimated in billions of dollars, threatening Pakistan’s long-term development prospects.

   The Union State of Belarus and Russia as an integration format in modern conditions acquires a special geo-civilizational meaning. The expansion of its agenda and the range of integration activities correspond to the content and trends of transformation of the world order on a global and regional scale, including the axiological aspect, the complexity of challenges and threats rooted in internal and external dimensions. The present study is aimed at identifying the main landmarks and subjects of interaction between Russia and Belarus in the field of patriotic education at the level of the Union State and verifying its potential in a specific external environment with regard to the dynamics of integration development. The theoretical and methodological frameworks form a multi-level system analysis, a qualitative and formalized analysis of documents and materials of the Internet resources of the Union State, a diachronic and synchronous analysis of patriotic events; the ideas of a “common Motherland”, “anti-soft power”, “crisis” and civilizational geopolitics. The dynamics of quantitative and qualitative parameters in the field is shown. The article emphasizes the specifics of the argumentation of patriotic initiatives and events through appeals to the common values of the countries and peoples of the Union State and the increasing external pressure. The historical and patriotic vector is articulated in conjugation with the specifics of positioning Russia and Belarus as protagonists of the historical truth about the World War II. The authors argue theses on the importance of image, normative and value components in the gradually constructed union policy of patriotic education.

   The article studies major symbolic concepts that constitute substantial content of the all-Russian civic identity analyzes distinct aspects of state identity policy and sustainability factors of civic identity in contemporary Russian society. The civic identity was pursued as the type of social identity that defines the goal setting of political process participants. The utilization of the concepts of myth-symbol complex and ethno-symbolism was instrumental in defining of the system-forming symbols and myths of the all-Russian civic identity, even as in designating the importance of maintaining their relevance under the conditions of competing nature of symbolic politics. The author outlines that the core of the all-Russian civic identity is based on the Soviet-era symbolic space, in which the symbol of the Victory in the Great Patriotic war plays the system-forming role. The implementation of state policy in the sphere of identity also mainly resembles the Soviet model. Meanwhile, sociocultural transformations of the Russian society which unfold in the field of demographic changes connected with soaring of the percentage of citizens who do not regard soviet symbolic space as the consolidator of civic identity, together with actualization of ethnic identities, could potentially reduce the efficacy of the present all-Russian civic identity configuration. As a potential risk-evading measure the author suggested using the existing concept of “state-forming ethnie” as the perspective symbolic foundation for civic identity.

   The relevance of the topic is due to the presence in modern Russia of different options and approaches to the political education of young people.

   That aspect is to be studied as well as it is to identify the main subjects of political education of youth, to show their importance and the basic principles of their activities.

   The existence in Russia of different entities carrying out political education, on the one hand, creates political knowledge with different data and facts. On the other hand, for modern society, when different subjects form political knowledge, the issue of creating disparate political knowledge with dichotomous and multidirectional properties that does not lead to the formation of stable political consciousness becomes obvious. It especially becomes an issue for young people when, by virtue of their experience and skills, they can use modern technologies (unlike older generations), have the opportunity to receive not only political knowledge from official sources (from different levels of educational institutions or, for example, from Media that are somehow affiliated with the state, etc.), but also from various other entities (for example, bloggers). Thus, young people may develop political knowledge that is different from official sources, which contributes to the development of an unstable value system of young people.

   The article analyzes the functional powers of institutions of interaction with religious structures in post-Soviet states with the exception of the Baltic states. Institutions are considered within the framework of a centralized management model of state-confessional relations. It focuses on the states, where such a model is being realized. The prerequisites for the formation of a central-
ized model are shown. There are institutions which competence is related only to the religious sphere and those which functionality affects a broader field of activity. The variants of different statuses of those institutions are shown. The author identifies blocks of standard functionality (information-analytical, communicative, related to the registration and liquidation of religious associations, law-making, mediation, etc.) and extended control functionality (control over the production and distribution of religious content materials, direct control over religious activities, the establishment and operation of religious educational institutions, the construction of religious buildings, and the organization of pilgrimages). All centralized institutions for cooperation with religious associations are divided into three groups depending on the scope of their functionality (broad, medium, and limited). It is concluded that the centralized model of regulating interactions with religious structures makes it possible, if necessary, to ensure fairly significant control over the religious sphere thanks to the expanded control functionality provided by the relevant centralized authorities.

   The article deals with the analysis of the peculiarities in regulation and development of grassroots civic activity in the Yaroslavl region. New grassroots participation practices expand the opportunities for proactive citizens, allowing them to connect and interact with each other. The article analyzes the regulation of grassroots civic activity, identifies the main actors of grassroots civic initiatives and their motives. It is noted that the goals and motives of civil society activists are quite differentiated: some are trying to solve a specific issue to improve the life of society, while others see in civil activism an opportunity to self-actualize. The article identifies the characteristics and distinctive features of the development of grassroots civic activity in the Yaroslavl region compared to other subjects of the Russian Federation. The paper emphasizes the importance of building a dialogue between government structures and participants in grassroots civic activism, in order to more effectively solve socio-political issues. Experts assess the activities of associations of territorial public self-government as a form of grassroots civic activity. The conclusion is made about the weak involvement of residents in their activities. The results of the study demonstrate that there is a strong cooperative mechanism of interaction in the Yaroslavl region, which provides for unions and coalitions to solve specific challenges.