When the world order is changing, we can face the significant increase of the military force factor. The article explores the trend using the example of Germany. The FRG has been “deterring” the Russian Federation and increasing the long-term (from six months to permanent) Bundeswehr’s presence in the eastern part of NATO’s area of responsibility. The author used the theories of the armed forces’ building and neorealism (structural realism). Germany has been largely trying to compensate for its strategic withdrawal from the geopolitically key countries of origin ofthe conflictin the Global South (primarily Afghanistan and Mali). By creating the Bundeswehr’s groupings near the borders of Russia, Germany has sought to present its efforts as part of the multilateral ones, joint with the NATO partners. The FRG has improving those efforts smoothly and consistently. The article shows the evolution of the way the Bundeswehr was employed in Central-Eastern and Northern Europe, pays special attention to the formation of the German brigade permanently located in Lithuania. The willingness or, conversely, the lack of it by particular country to become the recipient of the German military contingents is regarded as a significant indicator of the contemporary attitude towards the FRG’s leadership aspirations. The conclusions provide a forecast of the development of the long-term Bundeswehr’s employment in the advanced ranks of NATO’s area of responsibility.

The article analyzes the prospects for the development of the American deterrence strategy in a multipolar world order characterized by a new round of confrontation between the United States and its geopolitical rivals. The author examines the genesis of the American deterrence strategy during the Cold War and makes an attempt to highlight the most likely scenario for the development of the deterrence strategy in the future. The article focuses on the so-called integrated deterrence, which is the integration of its nuclear and non-nuclear elements into a single strategy within the framework of the US Armed Forces commands, which are increasingly facing challenges and threats from Washington’s rivals employing the prospect of using nuclear weapons to advance their regional goals.

The subject of the review is the problem of cultural unity of the Turkic peoples of the Ottoman and Russian Empires in the works of the major ideologists of political Turkism – Yusuf Akcura, Ziya Gekalp, Ahmet-Zaki Validi and Nihal Atsyz – and its coverage in modern Turkish historiography. The article analyzes how contemporary scientists present the ideas of those political figures about the mechanisms for achieving the unity of the Turkic world. It is noted that the topic arouses increased interest of the scientific community in the Republic of Turkey in connection with its currentforeign policy course. Itis concluded that foreign researchers see the cultural and political unity of the Turkic peoples of the Ottoman and Russian Empires as one of the central themes in the works of these ideologists of Turkism, but they differ in their understanding of the mechanisms and the ultimate ideal. It is noted that the imaginary ideal was the Ottoman Empire or the Turkic civilization. The problem is that the works of the Turkists do not propose any holistic mechanisms for the formation of a unified Turkic world. With regard to academic discourse, it is worth noting that the scientific study of the works of these theorists is of an applied nature, related to the formation of modern common Turkic identity. However, some Turkish scientific research does not avoid critical reflection on the debate regarding the authenticity of common Turkic mythology, the competent use of Turkic terminology in the context of common Turkic history and concerning the contradictions identified within the reconstructed discourse of the Turkists.

The article revealsthe comprehensive influence of ethnic Irish and Irish Americans on the development of the key aspects of the political culture and philosophy of the United States. It emphasizes the insufficient study of this topic in Russian academia and the importance of a comprehensive approach to evaluating the contribution of individual ethnic communities to the formation of a unique model of American political philosophy, based on a combination of ideas of freedom, equality, and civic participation. The author analyzesin detail the waves of Irish migration, beginning with the Great Famine in 1845–1852, examines the complex socio-economic conditions that led to the active involvement of the Irish diaspora in the political life of the country, and explains why politics became the main social elevator for their self-realization. Starting with the examples of the activities of prominent Irish figures – from the emergence of the “Jacksonian tradition”, to which John O’Sullivan contributed and until the formation of the phenomena of political machines and bossism – the article traces the unique Irish contribution to shaping the principles of American democracy, equal opportunity, pragmatism, and political mobilization of the lower classes of society. Special attention is paid to the divisions within the Irish diaspora itself (the Catholics and Protestants, as well as the Scots-Irish elements), their different approaches to political strategies and integration. The article also analyzes the Irish-initiated labor movements and participation in the Civil War, where the integration of the military, trade union, and political practices allowed this group to consolidate social capital and influence the long-term processes of American identity and nationalism.

The countries of the Middle East are at a stage of deep structural transformation aimed at reducing the dependence of the national economies on the oil and gas sector. In these conditions, tourism acquires the status of a strategic area of diversification. This study evaluates the tourism potential of the region through the prism of its natural, cultural, historical, religious and infrastructural components, focusing on the countries such as the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, Oman and Qatar. The analysis is based on the data from the UNWTO, the World Bank and the WTTC, supplemented by the official documents of the national strategies, including Saudi Vision-2030. The methodological tools incorporate the systematic and comparative approaches, statistical interpretation of the macroeconomic indicators, and the thematic reading of program texts. It has been established that tourism in the Persian Gulf countries is already a significant contributor to their GDP, forms a significant segment of employment and acts as a catalyst for foreign direct investment. At the same time, the full realization of the potential is hindered by a number of factors: geopolitical instability, climatic constraints, socio-cultural barriers and the environmental costs of a large-scale development. In conclusion, recommendations are formulated on building a sustainable development model that combines economic ambitions with the preservation of the cultural identity and the natural capital of the region.

The study is devoted to the investigation of the representation of the leftist movements in the second half of the 1960s – early 1970s in the Cuban press and among the political elites. The various ways of covering events which took place in the USA were studied in particular. The research revealed that the example of the United States was used as a method of propaganda directed against the American authorities and to further incite discontent among the demonstrators. The government-controlled periodicals systematically published the articles on the problem of racial discrimination in the United States and the resentment of the population over the “imperialist” war in Vietnam. The leader of the Cuban Revolution, F. Castro, often resorted to the same rhetoric. As a result, a dichotomy was artificially created in the mass consciousness in Cuba, where social problems were brewing and worsening in the heart of capitalism – the United States, while in Cuba those problems were resolved with the victory of the Cuban Revolution and subsequently with the establishment of the socialist system. At the same time, American leftist activists admired the Cuban Revolution and its heroes, but Cubans, remembering the neocolonial policy of the United States in the 1950s, were not ready to change their minds about the Americans who sympathized with them.

The relevance of the topic under consideration is explained by the increasing tension in the relations between Washington and Beijing, as well as by the importance of Taiwan for the global economy. Maintaining influence over Taiwan is a key factor for Washington in preserving its own position in the region and containing China’s growing influence. Although the United States officially adheres to the “one China” principle, its interpretation of this principle directly contradicts the official position of the Chinese authorities. The likelihood of an armed conflict is compounded by the fact that the incumbent president of the United States, D. Trump, views China as the main threat to Washington’s economic and political influence. However, the policy of “strategic uncertainty,” adopted under J. Carter, leaves room for maneuver: the United States has no direct obligation to defend Taiwan in the event of a military clash. The article examines the legal and historical foundations of the positions of the two states, the evolution of their official and the de facto positions on the issue of Taiwan’s sovereignty, their approaches to promoting their interests on the island, as well as their attitude and readiness for a military confrontation, which some analysts consider likely, if not inevitable.

The article analyzes Taiwan’s foreign policy course from 2016 to 2025, covering the presidential terms of Tsai Ing-wen and Lai Ching-te. During that period, Taiwan found itself at the epicenter of the growing geopolitical turbulence characterized by the rising tensions in the Taiwan Strait, the shifts in the global balance of power, and the deepening of the U.S. – China rivalry. Special attention is given to the transformation of Taipei’s strategic priorities, which are currently focused on fostering closer cooperation with the key partners – primarily the United States and Japan. The article examines the areas of interaction such as defense, economic initiatives, and the regional security issues. The purpose of this study is to identify the main directions of the evolution of Taiwan’sforeign policy course in 2016–2025. The key objectivesinclude analyzing the transformation of Taipei’s foreign policy priorities following the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) rise to power, identifying the factors that influenced the changes in the strategic trajectory, and assessing the nature and extent of Taiwan’s cooperation with its main partners: the U.S. and Japan. The findings demonstrate the gradual strengthening of Taiwan’s proactive foreign policy aimed at enhancing its international entity in the context of limited diplomatic recognition.

The current article is dedicated to increasing disinformation in the Republican narratives during the 2024 presidential election and after Donald Trump’s return to the White House. The chronological framework ranges from January 01, 2024 to June 10, 2025. Based on the theoretical and empirical materials, this publication selectively analyzes the articles in some rightwing media outlets (the Fox News, the Washington Times, the New York Post) as well as the Congressional hearings transcripts and the official White House records. In the paper, separate consideration is given to Elon Musk’s and the incumbent President’s media activity. The author, to reach his scientific goals, uses the method of verification and refutation, the analysis of primary sources, the discourse analysis, the case studies and the narrative approach. In conclusion, the author sums up his theses, with digging into the socio-political roots of the growth of dubious information in the conservative discourse and at the same time presenting an explanation of why Americans have been increasingly relying on disinformation since early 2024, instead of looking into the centrist and quality media.

The article is devoted to the study of the influence of disinformation on modern electoral processes in the United States. The article analyzes both a more general concept – disinformation, and its various forms – fake news, deepfakes. The purpose of the study is to examine the role of disinformation, its methods and the consequences of its use, in particular, during the presidential campaign of Donald Trump in the US elections in 2016 and 2024. The relevance of the work is due to the growing influence of information technology on electoral processes, as well as the evolution of forms of disinformation that pose a threat to democratic institutions. The article uses a sociological approach that includes secondary data analysis. The work is based on the analysis of open statistical data, survey results, and media materials. The results showed that disinformation played a role in the US presidential elections in 2016 and 2024 and acquired new forms and mechanisms of application, as well as helped Donald Trump win the election. The author’s conclusions indicate the importance of disinformation mechanisms in the modern political process, especially during electoral campaigns.

The American Foreign Policy Creed is a research concept which originates in the 1930s and is helpful to understand the US foreign policy continuance. At the same time, the Creed is enshrined in Congress and the presidential administrations’ documents, dating back to 1916–1918. Academic literature lacks a commonly understood definition of the Creed, as well as the analysis of the Creed reflection in the official documents and the speeches by the US leadership. The article thus deals with the origins of the Creed concept and analyses its various definitions. Qualitative analysis of written sources in chronological order and with the use of a historical method helps to outline the Creed’s evolution in the 20th century and its role in the 21st century. It is stated that for research purposes the Creed can be understood as a set of core permanent foreign policy ideas, such as pragmatism, messianism, and expansionism. The Creed mobilizes the population, being closely related to the changes in the American international posture. For example, it had been officially declared for the first time when the US unprecedently engaged in global affairs beyond the Western Hemisphere. In the 21st century, the Creed is less cited in official documents and speeches, but it still underlies the US foreign policy.